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Private 9175 Henry William Rawlins - KRRC - His Life & a Letter From the Front 2 years 9 months ago #81727
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Private Henry Williams Rawlins, thanks to Rory Reynolds, is now the most “complete” of my “Smethwickians who served in the Boer War 1899-1902”. This account of his life contains a transcription of a letter he wrote which appeared in the local paper and described his experience of the Battles of Talana Hill & Ladysmith.
I shall call him Harry because that is how he is listed as an attendee at his Mother-in-Law’s funeral in 1922. I also have a personal empathy for Harry as his post Boer War stamping ground became my stamping ground and we did even overlap by four months. I apologise for indulging my personal connections in the following narrative. Harry was born 21st May 1875 just over the border from Smethwick in the Winson Green area of Birmingham and he was baptised in St Cuthbert’s Church, Winson Green on 1st August 1875. The baptism register shows the family were living in Green Street, Winson Green at the time and his father, also called Henry William, was a bricklayer (all subsequent census returns give his father’s occupation as bricklayer). The 1881 census return shows the family living at 32 Green Street and that Harry had acquired a younger sister, christened Ethel Agnes – the Agnes being after their mother. By the time of the 1891 census the family had moved to Heath Street in Winson Green and 15 year old Harry’s occupation was given as “Nut and Bolt finisher”. Whilst the eastern end of Heath Street was (and still is) in Winson Green, the western end was (and still is) in Smethwick. In 1891 at the western Smethwick end was to be found the Patent Nut and Bolt Company. So, I think with some certainty we can say Harry’s direct association with Smethwick started before he ever saw South Africa and, as you will see, this direct association continued to the end of his life. Five years later Harry appeared to be in need of some excitement and, aged 20 years and nearly 5 months, he attested in Birmingham on 17th October 1895. He was just under average height at 5 ft 4¾ inches and weighed in at 9 stone. He had a “fresh” complexion, blue eyes and brown hair. He appeared to already have been in the wars as he had a scar on his right cheek and large scars on his right hip and abdomen. When he attested he gave his occupation as “labourer”. He named his father as next of kin and his service record shows that the family had made another short move to Tudor Street in Winson Green. Harry signed up for the usual, at the time, Short Service commission of 7 years Active Service followed by 5 years in the Army Reserve. He was assigned to the King’s Royal Rifle Corps, service number 9175 and reported to their depot in Gosport the following day – thus the excitement began with what was almost certainly his longest journey from home in his 20 year life. After receiving basic training at Gosport, he was posted to the 3rd Battalion on 22nd February 1896. 14 months later on 24th April 1897 he was transferred to the 1st Battalion and went with them on overseas service to Mauritius. He was still a Private and remained so for the rest of his army service despite in January 1899 passing the proficiency examination for promotion to Corporal. After nearly two years in Mauritius the 1st Battalion moved to South Africa during March 1899. They were still there when the Second Boer War broke out in October 1899 and they were engaged in one of the first battles of the war, the Battle of Talana also known as the Battle of Glencoe. Harry used the latter name when he wrote home to his father describing the battle. The letter was published in the Smethwick Telephone of 24th February 1900. “FROM DUNDEE TO LADYSMITH” “A SECOND KANDAHAR MARCH” “GRAPHIC DESCRIPTION BY A SMETHWICKIAN”. “Private H Rawlins, of the 1st Battalion King’s Royal Rifles, writing from Wynberg Hospital, Cape Colony, sends an interesting account of the march from Dundee to Ladysmith, and describing the Battle of Glencoe, to his father, Mr H Rawlins, 48 Salisbury Road, Smethwick. He writes: ‘On the night of 26th September, my chum and I were having our usual pint in the canteen when we heard the report that our battalion were to move to Ladysmith, but doubted until our Orderly Sergeant came round at 9-30 p.m. and gave the order that every man was to pack his field service kit to leave for Ladysmith at 5 p.m. the next night – only 18 hours’ notice. Next night we started, with cheers from the crowd round Pietermaritzburg Station, arrived at Ladysmith on 28th at 2-50 a.m., and marched to camp and stayed till the night of 5th October, when we had another order to proceed next morning to Dundee by easy stages. Started at 5 a.m., marched till 1 o’clock, and bivouacked. On the 5th we had to march late Dundee not a nice task, seeing we had to ‘CLIMB THE DRAKENSBURG MOUNTAIN ‘for about ten miles and rise at the end, Glencoe, about 1,000 ft. – but we did it and got in to Dundee 2-30 p.m. The troops were lined up to see us come in – the Leicesters, the Dublins and other corps. They said we had done it very well, being a forced march, 49 miles in two days 16 hours. The Leicesters provided tea. We drew our tents, put them up and spread our waterproof sheets and blankets and laid down. Up at 4.30 each morning fell in under arms and waited for orders. When they came we were dismissed, and did nothing but parades, which were very stiff at times. On the morning of the 20th, parading under arms, we were inspected by officer commanding company, who told the colour-sergeant to send a man of each section to roll tents up to get fresh air in. While doing so we heard a report as of thunder, and ‘DOWN CAME A SHELL INTO CAMP ‘Being of bad material they did no damage though the enemy kept throwing them. General Penn Symons here ordered the infantry to advance. While advancing , our Artillery threw a shell on to Talana Hill, which failed to reach, but the second shot exploded over their position admirably. While exchanging shell the infantry still advanced, Dublin Fusiliers in firing line and skirmishing order, Rifles and Irish Fusiliers in support. About 400 yards from our tents we laid down and got the order to change magazines, which hold ten shots. Then again order to advance. We were not the only ones doing work, for our Artillery were getting closer to the enemy’s position. We had a battery on each flank, the other in the centre – six guns to each battery – covering our advance. The Boers tried to get in on the left flank, but the Leicesters – left in camp to guard our left and rear – formed an obstacle for the Boers, and our left flank Artillery soon put a few shells into them compelling them to desist. Meanwhile our Cavalry were working their way round the flanks. One lot, the Hussars I think, to the left, passed the Impati mountains to get to the Boers’ flank and rear, the three companies of Mounted Infantry to the right. About 1,000 yards from camp is a nullah which the General told us to get to. As we were nearing it the Boers turned their quick firing Hotchkiss guns on us, and they are something terrible, throwing a shot about four pounds, five shots in as many seconds. The sound is something like the bomping of a tremendous forge hammer: luckily they did no damage, only taking off the top of one our chap’s helmet, who exclaimed ‘ANOTHER LITTLE BIT OFF THE TOP. ‘So far we had but one casualty, a trumpeter, who had his head blown off by a shell. In the nullah we formed up to advance under cover of our Artillery, who were doing good work. We were to advance in companies, the Dublin Fusiliers taking the lead. We had to get over a plain, about 900 yards, to get to a kind of ambush, and reached it with very few casualties. Two men were shot, one on each side of me. On Talana Hill is a stone ridge 2 feet 6 inches high running part part way up and then parallel to the left. The General ordered us to reach this as quickly as possible, which which did not take us long for we all mixed up. Here the firing was started by us and it was something terrible. You could see our chaps as they reached the hill getting ‘CUT DOWN LIKE NINEPINS, ‘but we gained our object and rained deadly volleys into the enemy. Meanwhile our Artillery were playing a conspicuous part, putting shells into the Boers at about 4,000 yards, doing terrible damage and putting the Boer guns out of action. I saw one of our shells strike the muzzle of a gun which flew up with about five Boers into the air. The roar was deafening, our Artillery putting shrapnel shells into their position which, exploding all over the hill, must have done some frightful work. About 11 a.m. the General, who had been slightly wounded, gave the order to take the Boer’s position, whereon Rifles, Irish Fusiliers, and Dublins started taking the hill, but were repulsed, our chaps getting cut down like wheat; but not for long, our Artillery again playing a prominent part, putting in shell after shell in quick time, which must have been scattering the Boers, but the Artillery were signalled to stop firing while our chaps stormed the hill. Here ‘GENERAL PENN SYMONS GOT MORTALLY WOUNDED ‘as did my Colonel (Gunning) with about eight officers and ten men and a lot wounded. At last we gained the hill and were going to put some volleys into the Boers when they showed the white flag, whereon General Yule (now in command) said “Respect the white flag”. But for that it would have been great slaughter for them, as after fighting 5½ terrible hours we took their position at a cost of about 50 killed and 200 wounded. Not many considering the enemy’s position. If we had held it there would not have been many Boers left to tell the tale. About 2-30 p.m. rain came on and a few of us were told off to fetch in wounded over about four miles of country. Whilst doing so we came to a farm where one of our officers had got wounded, and a woman told us that the Boers had been carting their dead and wounded away from 9 o’clock until half-past one, and that there must have been 700 killed and wounded. It was a stubborn battle but we came out best. We reached camp about 6-30 p.m. wet and worn out, had an ounce of rum and went to sleep but not for long. In the morning of 21st October, scout reported 15,000 to 17,000 Boers on Impati hills, and at 6-15 p.m. we knew it for their “Long Tom” began talking and reached our position. At 9 p.m. we were awakened and started for Dundee, passing the Boers’ line of outposts without detection, marched till 8 a.m. 23rd, rested started again at 1 p.m. and halted at 4 (having been on our feet 14 hours), but were moved again at 10 p.m. and marched till 10 the next morning (24th). This was our ‘MOST DANGEROUS BIT, ‘six miles of march through a pass with the Boers reported to be in force. We were six hours in front of them. After a few hours rest we started again at 10 p.m., and arrived at Sandys River 11 a.m. (25th). In about an hour we heard guns, apparently from Ladysmith, so General Yule gave orders for Artillery, Cavalry, and a few Infantry to go to the flanks where the enemy were, who, however, kept out of our way. At 5 p.m. torrents of rain drenched us, but we marched again until 9 next morning (26th). Then we got a little fresh meat from ten captured bullocks. A shout was heard from a party come to guard our (General Yule’s) column and at 6.30 we marched again in pouring rain. This was the most trying march of the lot. Dressed only in Khaki and the night so dark you could not see your front man: so we tied our handkerchiefs on to their backs to feel where we were going. About 11 o’clock first one then another went to sleep whilst marching, showing how little sleep we had had for six days. After 15½ hours in the rain and walking all the time, we arrived in Ladysmith at half-past nine of the 27th, amid a bit of a reception, three cheers from the troops, and in camp a bit to eat, which the 2nd Battalion had ready for us: so we had a joyful time. That forced march of eighty miles, which is called ‘THE SECOND KANDAHAR MARCH ‘but known as General Yule’s column march from Dundee, but was carried out splendidly by officers and men. On the night of the 29th we were out again for a night march and attack, and got into position – on the right two battalions of Rifles, Manchesters, and Leicesters. It was our death-trap, something after the battle of Glencoe (or Dundee). The Boers came down on us in thousands. My Colour-Sergeant, Kensdale, who was next me, got killed. I only got a slight wound – bullet through arm – and escaped to hospital, where I was treated splendidly. About half-an-hour before my hurt, about 5.30 p.m. on the 30th, a loud report overhead announced that we had the Navy guns. They arrived in the nick of time, for the first three shots found the Boers’ “Long Tom” and put it out of action. Here I met Billy Bailey, my old Smethwick chum. Next day, the wounded who could get about without pain went to Maritzburg , were well looked after on the line, something given us at every station. We started from Durban 2nd November, embarked on the hospital ship Sumatra, and landed at Wynberg on the 8th . . . This narrative is as true as I can write it.’.” Besides the graphic description of two battles several other points of interest arise: In his absence, Harry’s family had moved to Smethwick. Salisbury Road was very much in the author’s stamping ground, two Grammar School classmates lived in the next road down Cape Hill and in Salisbury Road itself lived a very attractive young lady but she had a terrifying father. The First Kandahar March occurred in the Second Afghan War when “Bobs” led the British Army from Kabul to relieve besieged Kandahar. The march took up much of August 1880, accounts of its actual distance and duration vary but I will go with 320 miles in 22 days. Medal collectors will be aware of the Kandahar Bronze Star that was awarded to those who took part. Colour Sergeant Kensdale was not actually killed but wounded and lived to fight another day. Although the British suffered heavy losses, the Battle of Talana was considered a victory but the subsequent Battle of Ladysmith went the other way and resulted in the siege of Ladysmith which as to last for four months. Harry was wounded in the arm and left the battlefield before the end, thus avoiding being besieged in Ladysmith. He was taken to Durban and then by sea on the hospital ship Sumatra to Capetown and finally overland to nearby Wynberg Hospital. The 1900 illustration below by F de Haenen shows wounded soldiers being unloaded from the Sumatra at Capetown on their way to Wynberg Hospital (Source - the Wellcome Collection). Although, he makes light of his wound in his letter, Harry was invalided home from Wynberg Hospital arriving in Blighty on 23rd April 1900. Once back home Harry completed his return to fighting fitness fairly quickly and was back on South African soil by 2nd September 1900 with another 21 months of the war to go. This time he saw the war out and did not leave South Africa until February 1903. So, in total he spent 3 years and 7 months on South African soil of which 2 years and 3 months had been during war time. When he arrived back in South Africa, Harry was transferred to the 3rd Battalion of the King’s Royal Rifle Corps. By this time the war had changed in nature from set battles to guerrilla warfare and the 3rd Battalion were mainly involved in garrison duty in the Transvaal. He remained in South Africa some 7 months after the conflict ended and arrived back in Blighty for the final time on 20th March 1903. Four days later was discharged to the Army Reserve having completed eight and a half years of active service rather than the seven he originally signed up to. On 16th October 1907, exactly 12 years after he attested, he was fully discharged from any obligation to the Army. For his service in South Africa, Harry was awarded the Queen’s South Africa Medal with two clasps inscribed “Talana” & “Transvaal” and the King’s South Africa Medal with two clasps – “South Africa 1901” & “South Africa 1902”. Thanks to Rory Reynolds acquisition skills we can inspect his Queen’s South Africa Medal. Unfortunately, the seller, a direct descendant did not possess his King’s South Africa Medal. The 1911 census found Harry’s, now widowed, father and younger brother still living at 48 Salisbury Road, Smethwick. Harry and his sister were living at 153 Price Street Smethwick. Harry was working at a “Metal Works” as a “Machine Belt Repairer”. Interestingly, to a Smethwickian, his sister, who now used Agnes in preference to Ethel, was working as a “Worming Machine Attendant” at a “Screw Works”. A decade earlier the Patent Nut & Bolt Factory, founded by Arthur Keen and where Harry worked in 1891, had combined with two other companies to form Guest Keen and Nettlefolds Ltd or GKN as it was more familiarly known. Screws were one of their best sellers and a Worming Machine put the threads on them. The 1911 census also shows living at 68 Waterloo Road, Smethwick were Thomas & Mary Southarn and their three Smethwick born children. Mary was well known in Smethwick as Nurse Southarn and was part of the town’s force of Midwives. The 1911 census return was filled out by Mary because her husband Thomas had been blind for 34 years but, interestingly she gave his occupation as “Carpenter & Joiner”. During the second quarter of 1912 Harry married in Smethwick to Mary Ann Southarn, the eldest daughter of Nurse Southarn. By the time of the of the 1921 Census Harry & Mary had moved in with her parents at 68 Waterloo, Harry filled out the Census return as the Head of the Household. To a “Smethwickian” it is a fascinating document and I am afraid you will have to suffer a bit more indulgence but, first I must thank Rory Reynolds for not being as parsimonious as me and bradding up the extra to obtain a copy. The return shows 8 people were living at 68 Waterloo Road – I have already told you who four were – the others were: Harry & Mary’s son, 8 year old Henry Thomas; Mary’s widowed younger brother, Sydney, and his 9 year old daughter; Mary’s unmarried 21 year old younger sister, Olive. The return also shows they shared 5 rooms – from personal knowledge this means they were all living in a 2 up, 2 down with outside toilet at the back of a shop with the room over the shop providing an extra bedroom – I will leave you to work out the sleeping arrangements. For those who have not yet seen a 1921 return, not only did occupations have to be given but also the name and location of workplaces. So, at this stage Harry was working as a “Millwright” for “Messrs Muntz’s Metal Co Ltd, Smethwick”. Muntz’s were situated in an area of Smethwick strangely known as French Walls and only a stone’s throw from where Harry worked in 1891. Their main product was corrosion resistant cupro-nickel tubing. A further acquisition by Rory Reynolds shows this is where Harry had been working since his return from South Africa (see below). In 1922 Nurse Southarn died aged 65 and the occasion was marked by a short obituary in the Smethwick Telephone. Harry was named amongst the family present at the funeral as “Harry, son-in-law”. The 1939 Register found Harry and Mary Ann still living at 68 Waterloo Road. At the time 63 year old Harry was working as a “Millwright” in a factory making “munitions”. There is a redacted entry on the Register as well for no.68 which if it is their son he must have lived to a very good age for the un-redacting process not yet to have caught up with him. Rory’s acquisition skills again come into play and enable us to learn the full story of Harry’s post Boer War employment in Smethwick. The photos below depict a medallion and clock; the medallion was presented for long service and the clock on Harry’s retirement. The front of the medallion is inscribed “IMPERIAL CHEMICAL INDUSTRIES LIMITED” and the reverse “MUNTZ’S METAL Co. LTD, PRESENTED TO H W RAWLINS, FOR 25 YEARS SERVICE”. The plate on the clock is inscribed “IMPERIAL CHEMICAL INDUSTRIES, PRESENTED TO, HENRY WILLIAM RAWLINS, FOR 41 YEARS SERVICE, 1945”. From these it can be deduced that Harry started to work for Muntz’s in 1904 shortly after he returned from South Africa and there he was to stay for the remaining 41 years of his working life. In 1928 Muntz’s were taken over by Imperial Chemical Industries but the Muntz name lived on. The clock presented after a non-round years of service must have noted his retirement at the age of 69. I suspect WW2 was responsible for Harry’s late retirement because, along with most of the manufacturers of metal products in Smethwick, Muntz’s operated 24/7 making munitions other war related equipment. Sadly, Harry was to enjoy an extremely short retirement as he died on 24th May 1945 having celebrated his 70th birthday a few days earlier. His probate shows he was living at 68, Waterloo Road at the time. My final indulgence. Halfway down Waterloo Road was (and still is) a five way junction with one of the other roads being Edgbaston Road. In January 1945 the author (8 months old) arrived at no.58 Edgbaston Road when his father took up the post of Smethwick’s Deputy Town Clerk. For the next 18 years the author frequented Waterloo Road on an almost daily basis and in his teens on Friday evenings crossed Waterloo Road by no.68 to go to the Methodist Church Youth Club opposite.
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Private 9175 Henry William Rawlins - KRRC - His Life & a Letter From the Front 2 years 9 months ago #81728
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Very well done Smethwick. To me this is what it is all about. The man behind the medal!!
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Private 9175 Henry William Rawlins - KRRC - His Life & a Letter From the Front 2 years 9 months ago #81731
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Gents,
Totally agree. A very informative biography, and welcome the digressions and indulgences. Cheers Steve
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Private 9175 Henry William Rawlins - KRRC - His Life & a Letter From the Front 2 years 9 months ago #81745
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Rory & Steve – thank you for your appreciation but without Rory’s input it would have been much shorter and much less well illustrated.
Another digression but it is medal related. Below is Sergeant-major Eugene Ell of the 9th Lancers. Born in London (1857) but died in Smethwick (1908). He took part in the 1880 Kabul to Kandahar march led by “Bobs”. In the centre of his medals you can make out the Kandahar Bronze Star and immediately to the left a little lower, his Afghan War Medal. Harry might have witnessed his coffin draped by a Union Jack pass by on a bitterly cold day, 30th December 1908. It was transported by a gun carriage pulled by six horses from Great Brook Street Barracks in the centre of Birmingham to Uplands Cemetery in Smethwick. The cortege would definitely have gone up Cape Hill (mentioned in the previous article) because it was on the route and where Eugene was living when he died. However, I think at the top of Cape Hill they would have forked right down the lower level High Street rather than the upper level Waterloo Road thus avoiding a very steep downhill later on. Eugene spent 21 years in the Army, the first half overseas and mainly in India except for just over a year in Afghanistan. Back home he acquired a wife who originated from the Ladywood area of Birmingham which abuts both Winson Green & Smethwick, so that must be why they settled in Smethwick when he retired from the Army in 1895. In retirement he was heavily involved with running the Birmingham branch of the Corps of Commissionaires, an organisation set up at the time of the Crimean War to help veteran and disabled soldiers. An organisation I had never heard of before but an exact search of the ABW Forum does give 7 hits. One of his grandsons, who served in Bomber Command, paid the ultimate price in WW2 when he was killed in a training crash. My thanks go to Ian Price for providing the photograph and sharing information about his family.
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