TOPIC:

I have covered in some detail the events pertaining to the White Flag incident and the supposed lynching of 6 Boers by the Strathcona's Horse during the Anglo Boer War of 1899 - 1902. It is my intent now to present the facts, the circumstances and within reasonable and sensible limits an all encompassing account of the incident.

During research my first revelation came when I discovered a series of letters written by Alfred Markham who was a junior officer in the 2nd Rifle Brigade from the British garrison on Crete.

These letters of Alfred Markham to his cousin Guy, written from South Africa between 1899 and 1902, were bought by a collector on an English auction sale some years ago. They were subsequently acquired by a Johannesburg dealer who, in turn, sold them to the publisher.

Early in October 1899, the British authorities expected a 'little war' in South Africa and it was thought that ten thousand soldiers would be sufficient for the defence of Natal in the event of a Boer invasion. In addition to 5500 soldiers offered him by the Indian authorities for the defence of Natal, Field Marshall, Lord Wolseley was able to 'scrape together' a further three battalions: the 1st Royal Irish from Alexandria, the 1st Border Regiment from Malta and the 2nd Rifle Brigade from the British garrison on Crete. Alfred Markham was a junior officer in the 2nd Rifle Brigade.

On October 12, the Boers invaded Natal. Eight days later, five hundred British soldiers lost their lives in the Battle of Talana Hill. On October 26, four thousand Talana survivors staggered into Ladysmith. During the last days of October, the Boer host had begun massing on the hills to the north and east of Ladysmith. On the morning of October 30, the train which carried Alfred Markham, arrived in Ladysmith.

The first letter, written over a period of one month, covers the siege. The second letter, written after the siege had been lifted, was sent from Intombi Camp, situated beside the railway four miles south-east of Ladysmith. By agreement between General White and Boer Commandant-General Joubert, the first sick and wounded had been permitted to leave Ladysmith for Intombi Camp on Sunday, November 5. It was here that Alfred Markham was treated for enteric fever before being invalided back to England.

After a period of some months' convalescence, he returned to South Africa, where he joined his company in the Eastern Transvaal. The third and fourth letters, addressed from Lydenburg and Middelburg, cover this period. It was in Middelburg that the first (unsuccessful) peace negotiations, between Lord Kitchener and General Louis Botha, took place in February 1902. Peace was finally signed in Pretoria on May 31, 1902.

As to the identity of Alfred Markham, we are unable to be emphatic. A person of that name, born June 14 1880, was appointed to the South African Constabulary on October 18, 1901. This Alfred Markham served in Transvaal for a few years before being transferred to the Orange River Colony Police.

Although brief, this material is valuable inasmuch as it illustrates the changing attitude of a junior officer toward the country to which war had brought him. Soon after
Ladysmith, Markham writes of 'this beastly war' in which he had lost several friends.

Eight months later, he again refers to 'this horrible country'. By the end of 1901, however, his outlook has brightened to the extent that he confesses: 'I think a liking for this country grows on one.' During the closing months of the war he is considering taking up farming in the Transvaal.

It was Markham's fourth letter of this series written to cousin Guy from Lydenburg, South Africa on Friday November 23rd 1900 that caught my attention and which follows in it's entirety.

Lydenburg Friday
November 23m 1900

My dear Guy

I promised to drop you a line when I had got settled down again in this horrible country. I will begin at the beginning and tell you what has occurred since leaving Southampton. The first two days were very rough and I was seasick, but soon recovered. I had a two-berth cabin with a fellow in the Inniskilling Fusiliers and was very comfortable. I spent my time playing cricket in the afternoon and piquet in the evening.

I had a run ashore at St. Vincent, an awful place; also at Cape Town which was nice. I went on to Durban, where we arrived on Wednesday, October 31st• I spent the night at the Royal Hotel; several of us patronised the theatre; it was rather amusing.

On the 1st, we left for Pietermaritzburg, where I put up at the Imperial Hotel. Next day I deposited my surplus kit, and got out my gun which I had left there; also did some shopping.

We left by the 10.20 p.m., passed Ladysmith about daylight; breakfasted at Glencoe; lunched at Volksrust; dined [at] Standerton, spending the night there in the train. Trains don't run at night in the Transvaal.

Left Standerton about 5.00 a.m., breakfasted with a detachment of our 1st Battalion at Vlaakfontein. Captains Stewart and Paget were killed near there in the train disaster. I went up after breakfast to see the little cemetery where they lie.

Just as I got back from the cemetery and was about two hundred yards from the train, it started. I took a short cut for the line and caught it, jumping on as it passed. Luckily trains don't fly in this country.

I lunched at Heidelberg and arrived about 6.30 p.m. at Pretoria. I put up at the European Hotel, run by Germans; very bad food.

Next day I explored Pretoria, lunched at the Club; I had a fair dinner at Spruyt's Hotel. Everything very expensive.

I forgot to mention that my destination was Lydenburg. I slept in my valise on the station platform, as my train to Machadodorp left at 4.00 a.m.

Trains running east consist of trucks only. I travelled in the guard's van. My camp bed added greatly to my comfort.

We spent the night at Wonderfontein. Civilisation was left behind at Pretoria. One lives on bully and bread or biscuit. I had laid in a few luxuries at Pretoria.

Next morning, the train went on to Machadodorp where I got off. I found there was a convoy going part of the way to Lydenburg, stopping at Shoeman's Kloof. It left at 4.00 p.m. As there were several details (24 R.B.; 24 Devon; 3 Manchester Regiment), I was put in command.

Our first trek was about four miles up a very stiff hill, on top of which we parked. I had to provide outposts. At 3.00 a.m. we went on to Helvetia where we rested a day.

Our next trek was to Shoeman's Kloof, about ten miles, where we had to wait three days. I tried shooting, with no luck. Saw nothing but two buck, which I could not get a shot at. One must have a dog to get partridges. Eggs, milk, potatoes and bread could be got at Shoeman's.

On Monday 12th, we went on to Badfontein in the Crocodile Valley, a very feverish district. Outposts again. Next morning, I went on to Witklip, where we rested a day. I rode a pony after Shoeman's belonging to the transport officer.

I went out shooting at Witklip. With two other fellows and a dog, we got three brace. One has to almost kick the partridges before they will get up.

After our day's rest, we went into Lydenburg. Found everything very comfortable. Quite a good mess in a Boer doctor's house, and everyone living in houses.

I found my company were occupying a hill about four miles out (Strathcona's Hill), a patrol of the above corps having been cut up there: six killed, one man escaped. They had been allowed to approach within fifty yards when the Boers opened fire. They were all shot on the ground afterwards, so it was really murder.

There are some very good stories afloat about Strathcona's Horse. They are a long way superior to all the other mounted corps. One report is that they lynched six Boers near Standerton, hanging them for the usual white-flagfarmhouse game. Just as they had finished, a staff officer came up in a towering rage and called them murderers, etc. One of the Yanks looked him up and down for some time and then said, "I guess, Stranger, there is room for another one up there". The staff officer quickly departed.

They will go anywhere. If a patrol is sniped at, they don't stop but go for the sniper. The Boers really fear them. We are very sorry we haven't got them with us here now. They are very good at looting.

I went out to Strathcona's Hill in the evening, where I spent four days. On the 20th, I came into the town again to take over the command of H.-Company, as one of our subalterns has gone down to join the Mounted Infantry at Pretoria.

I live in a house with my subaltern and am comparatively comfortable. I have a bath, table and chair - great luxuries out here. We spend all the morning at work; wire entanglements, etc. After lunch, tennis; we have a mud court. As a rule, there is a thunderstorm every afternoon about 4.00 p.m. We have polo and paperchase - the ground for the former has just been completed. I have just bought a fifteen-hand pony; I hope it will turn out well.

Lydenburg is one of the nicest towns I have seen in the Transvaal; lots of trees and well supplied with water.

The troops here are as follows: 2nd Battalion Rifle Brigade, 1 st Devonshire Regiment, 1 Battery (53rd), 1 Howitzer Battery, (2) five inch guns, two companies Mounted Infantry. Our Brigadier is Major-General Kitchener. He is very keen on night attacks. I have not been out on one yet; I am next on the roster. Another duty is picketing the roads for convoys arriving and leaving.

It is all rot about the War being over; this guerilla business will go on for another six months at least.

Sunday November 25th

I took my company to church this morning. We have a very inferior chaplain by name of Mr. Varrish; we use the Dutch Reform Church.

We had an eclipse of the sun here on the 22nd; it was only partial. I forgot to tell you that one of the biggest shops in Cape Town is H.W. Markham's. I bought a walking stick there.

On the 20th, we had the worst hail storm I have ever seen, stones as large as the drawing. Most of the fruit has been ruined. The fruit is just coming on here: peaches, apricots, and a few grapes. Windows were broken.

I am keeping fairly fit; I have got over one touch of dysentery. Wishing you all a happy

Christmas and New Year.

Yours ever, Alfred Markham

Strathcona's Horse - Barbaric Bravado?

Markham's comments regarding the Strathcona's Horse were based on rumours coming out of the Standerton Waterval Greylingstad corridor of operations pertaining to the White Flag events in July 1900.

These events are recorded by Prof. Carman Miller;

The battalion's baptism of fire occurred on 1 July. The previous day Lieutenant-General C.F. Clery led the 2nd Division and the 3rd Mounted Brigade to Heidelberg, about fifty miles away, to open communications and join up with Major-General A.F. Hart's 5th Brigade moving south. The second day of their march, with Strathcona's Horse as Clery's advance guard, scouts, and right flanking patrol, scouts under Lieutenants S.H. Tobin and G.H. Fitzpatrick were targeted by fire from a rocky kopje and a farmhouse nearby flying a white flag. Armed Boer patrols, unbeknownst to the farm owners, often took refuge in kraals and outbuildings of farms flying the white flag.

The men had been warned to be cautious of approaching the white flag, but when one of Kirkpatrick's men, Private Angus Jenkins, went to investigate he was fatally shot. A second man, Sergeant Herbert Nichol, who accompanied Jenkins, had his horse shot from under him. The regiment's first battle casualty was buried later that evening on Vitnek Farm, near Wachout Spruit. Other patrols had similar, though less costly, encounters that day. A Squadron's second-incommand, Captain Donald Howard, and Jonathan Hobson, whose disorderly conduct in Ottawa had almost led to his dismissal, walked into a party of Boers they mistook for Canadians, and were both captured.

The advance patrols seemed to have encountered Ben Viljoen's commando of about six hundred men, a force too large to be handled by scouts and patrols. Although Tobin's and Kirkpatrick's troops put up a stiff fight and claim to have killed at least four Boers, the commando had only been scattered. Later that evening A Squadron's outposts were attacked, and required assistance to drive off their assailants. The next day, as the brigade marched through dense fog and over rocky and hilly country to Greylingstad, B Squadron, which was on rearguard duty, fought off continual attacks. So long as the brigade remained at Greylingstad, Boer commandos harassed British outposts and patrols. But on 4 July, when the brigade moved on to Vlakfontein about eighteen miles away, the brief momentum came to an end.

For the next month and more the brigade remained at Vlakfontein, guarding the rail and extending the station's defences. During this time C Squadron, commanded by Captain Cameron during Major Laurie's absence on sick leave, was posted to Waterval to help guard the railway bridge, all the time under heavy pressure from Ben Viljoen's strongly entrenched commando. Rarely a day passed when patrols failed to report armed encounters with Boer sharpshooters testing the British defences. Perhaps the squadron's most costly encounters occurred on 16 and 30 July. Three days after the squadron reached Waterval Bridge, Corporal Benjamin Lee was killed while searching a farmhouse. The second incident was more complex, and claimed the life of Sergeant (formerty Lieutenant) Parker. On 30 July two Boers reported that a large number of their friends at a farmhouse about four miles to the north wished to surrender, but preferred the others to think that they had been taken prisoner. Since the intelligence men asked specially for Lieutenant WhiteFraser's Troop 1, White-Fraser and seventeen of his men left with two black scouts for the house flying a white flag. About "twice" that number of Boers lay concealed in the kraals and kopjes and fired on White-Fraser's troop as it approached. Certain that it was a trap, White-Fraser fell back slowly, "keeping well to the front of his men and nearer the enemy." Sergeant Parker, "a dead shot but rash," and Private F.G. Arnold, and the two black scouts, however, were well in advance of the rest. Only a few yards from the house, they "were fired upon by a strong party of the enemy concealed in a kraal not more than 25 yards away." When the Boers called upon Parker to surrender "he replied defiantly," and he and the scouts were shot dead. Severely wounded in his leg, Arnold was left on the field, until a Boer farmer took him to his house. Steele sent an ambulance the next day to carry him to the hospital at Standerton, where he died on 8 August. Meanwhile Parker was buried at Waterval, with White-Fraser reading the service. Parker's troop resented the treachery that had led to his death, and vowed vengeance. Steele shared their anger and bitterness, and felt that the British military authorities placed too much trust in the "hands-uppers" and the Boer women, whereas they were often spies and accomplices.

The circumstances surrounding the death of Corporal Lee as recorded by Miller is not accurate according to the Colonel Leckie papers. Leckie furnishes the following account of Lee's death.

It was "C" Squadron, commanded by Captain Cameron, that had been tasked to secure the Greylingstad; but they were re-tasked to secure and guard the railway bridge over the River Waterval. They were under constant attack from Viljoen's Commandos. On the 16th of July, Lieutenant Leckie's troops, while on patrol, encountered' a group of Boers who had retreated over a ridge. Two of his soldiers, Cpl. Lee and Trooper Dunn who had been left at the bridge, spotted the retreating Boers, decided to gallop after them over the ridge and get a better shot. On reaching the ridge they discovered riderless but saddled horses in a quasi hide. Too late, they discovered they had ridden into a trap for the Boers had dismounted and were in fire positions amongst the rocks. This was a common practice which was known to our soldiers. Lee was shot twice and Dunn had his horse shot which pinned him to the ground. The Boers disarmed the two men, took Lee's horse and made off. Lee lived for an hour before he passed on was heard to remark "Serves me bloody well right for being such a damn fool."

I now include my own take on the event based on my research and Leckie's account of events.

It was on the 30th July that two Boer Commando rode into the Brigade defensive position at Waterval Bridge and having contacted Brigade intelligence officer, informed him that a large number of Boer Commando would like to surrender, but that for the benefit of their comrades would want the incident to be portrayed as a capture. "C" Squadron Strathconas, highly regarded for their scouting activities at Waterval, were tasked to send out a troop to escort the Boer prisoners back to Brigade. It was Lieutenant White-Fraser's troop that were specifically requested for the task. White Fraser's troop of 18 men, flying a white flag, rode for the farm house about four miles to the South of Waterval. On approaching the house about 40 Boers, concealed in the kraals and kopjes (corals and hills) surrounding the house, fired upon the troop. Sergeant Parker, Trooper Arnold and two attached scouts were in the lead, but having overextended their covering support, found themselves within 25 yards of the Boers and thus committed. The remainder of the troop were able to re-deploy under Lt. WhiteFraser. The Boers called on Parker to surrender to which Parker replied in explicit military jargon. Parker and the two scouts were killed outright while Arnold was severely wounded having been hit by a hollow-nosed bullet and left on the battle filed to die. A farmer, however, took him into the farm. Colonel Steele sent an ambulance to transport Arnold to the hospital in Standerton the next day, wherein he died of his wounds on the 8th of August. Sergeant Parker, who had been a captain of the 56th Pompadours, The Essex Regiment, was a personal friend of Lt. White-Fraser and held in high esteem by Colonel Steele. He earned the respect of his troops and was considered an outstanding soldier and a commander. He was commonly described as a "Dead shot, but rash" - a description which would seem to me to be inadequate.

Both Steele and White-Fraser were furious over the dastardly incident and felt that the Brits placed too much value on the acts of the Boers and their women who Steele felt were no more than spies and accomplices in deceit. Parker's troop felt the anguish and treachery of his death and vowed revenge.

Sergeant Parker was initially buried at Waterval Station, but is now at rest in Standerton Garden of Remembrance where a Canadian Granite Headstone marks his grave. Friends and relatives from British Columbia have also erected a marble sarcophagus in his memory.

The white flag incident - that is the farm house flying a white flag in deception and used by the Boers in treachery - that resulted in the deaths of Sergeant Parker and Trooper Arnold, provided understandable grounds for revenge by "C" Squadron.

It has been said. It has been written. It has been insinuated by innuendo that the Strathconas had captured, court-martialled and lynched six Boers from trees surrounding the farm house. During my research I came across five very different hearsay accounts of this incident.

Colonel Leckie, in his article which appeared in the 1930 edition of the Albanian, St. Albans School, Brookville (Courtesy of Colonel J. McAvity) briefly describes the incident of Sgt. Parker's death. He goes on to say that Sergeant Parker had a dum dum (hollow noise) bullet in his pocket which he had found in a box of ammunition and that he had been warned that the Boers would shoot him if he were taken prisoner. When his body was recovered, the dum dum was laying on his chest.

Colonel Leckie, then Lieutenant Leckie of "C" Squadron goes on to say, "Later on one day my troop captured half a dozen Boers and each one carried two bandoleers, one full of ordinary bullets and one filled with soft-nose bullets. We did not shoot them though we threatened them a lot which fussed them up a bit."

The forgoing scenario would certainly provide a coincidental situation to speculate on the merit of the lynching incident. In all my research; in Standerton, in Lydenburg, and at the Boer War Museum in Bloemfontein, I was not able to come up with one single strand of proof. Steele dismissed the incident as sheer nonsense.

The lynching incident, however, does not end here. There is a second speculative account of the incident. Purported to have taken place during the brigades march north.

The following is the official account of the incident by Carman Miller in his book "Painting the Map Red". The initial account is taken from R.P. Rooke's "Reminiscences: 1908".

"As Steel's regiment rode towards Twyfelaar, an incident reportedly occurred which has haunted the Strathcona's history, and has given "all the Canadian mounted troops a rather sinister name throughout the country afterwards." Although used to reflect adversely upon Steele's command, the most complete story comes from R.P. Rooke's reminiscences, who was not a Steele detractor. According to Rooke, shortly after the column passed Carolina, while the South African Light Horse and some Canadian troops were doing advance duty, a party of South African Light Horse scouts spotted the farmhouse flying a white flag in the valley below. The scouts approached the house without taking special precautions and were fired upon from within a few hundred yards of the house. A sergeant and one of the two men were shot down. The Canadian troop that witnessed the shooting "immediately spread out and riding hard down into the alley on each side of the farm surrounded it before the enemy scouts who had done the shooting were able to get away. Six men were captured and "a court martial was held by the Canadian troop and the remaining scouts of the South African Light Horse, which "sentenced the supposed offenders to be hung and proceeded to carry out the sentence on some trees that stood by the farm house." At this point the brigade's provost marshal and his bodyguard arrived and placed the executioners under arrest. Later brought before General Buller, they were let off with severe reprimands for taking the law into their own hands. While Rook had "no definite proof that the incident actually happened as related," he was "riding in the same line within a mile or two" and had no difficulty believing it, owing to the character of the troop concerned, "a B.C. troop largely composed of miners, lumbermen, etc." Another version of the story which appeared as "an article in the papers which circulated over the civilized world" suggested that "When a staff officer interfered "the men threatened to lynch him." Steele himself cfismissed the story as sheer nonsense. The regiment's Diary, however, states clearly that the South African Light Horse was fired upon from a house flying a white flag on the south bank of the Komati River, and that the house was burnt before the brigade crossed the river and bivouacked on the north bank. More than that the official record does not say.

Once again no proof or substantiation of the foregoing incident. This second incident is more incredulous than the Standerton incident and is based on the perceived rough, tough, hard-hitting reputation of the Strathcona's rather than on fact or even logic.

Throughout the march to the north, South African Light Horse and Strathcona Horse worked and supported each other in a professional manner. They got along extremely well together and so it should not be a surprise that they would closely support one another under any circumstances.

I must also point out that after the Standerton white flag incident, involving Sgt. Parker; the Third Brigade, of which South African Light Horse was part of, developed a Standard Operation Procedure (SOP) for dealing with farm houses flying white flags, In Steele's words, the SOP ran as follows:

"When searching a house that displayed a white flag the system in the Third Mounted Brigade would be ... make good the ground on all sides with the flankers and advance, so that no enemy could escape. The support unit will then search the house." Steele goes on to say that by taking this precaution, there were no white flag incidents," If we were to consider a hypothetical values of the two incidences, the logical coincidence would go to the Standerton incidence based on circumstance.

In any event, these incidents do not, will not, shall not ever haunt the Strathcona's impeccable history and reputation.

L. Col. Brian A. Reid in his book Our Little Army in the Field records the incident as having taken place on the Komati River;

"Steele had seized Witbank by 3:00 p.m. and the rest of the force followed it into camp. At 4:00 p.m. a rider arrived with an oral message from Belcher that he was heavily engaged and required assistance. Dundonald ordered Steele to ride out with the regiment at once. When the SH arrived on the heights overlooking the Carolina at dusk, all appeared quiet. Steele soon encountered Lieutenant Pooley's troop which reported that the task had been successfully completed. Belcher later explained that he had told the messenger to report that he was meeting considerable opposition, but had said nothing about needing assistance.

On 15 August the column reached Twyfelaar on the Komati River. That day something happened which remains unexplained. As the legend goes, a party of the SALH were shot down by fire from a farm flying a white flag. Unfortunately for the Boers, a troop of C Squadron witnessed the incident and quickly surrounded the farm, capturing the six men responsible. A drumhead court martial was hastily convened, and the Boers were lynched. One version has the Strathconas threatening to lynch an officer who attempted to intervene. While Steele always denied that the incident happened, it was widely believed at the time. All the evidence is either circumstantial or hearsay. Two members of the SALH died of wounds apparently suffered at Twyfelaar. C Squadron lost Sergeant Parker and Private Arnold to fire from a farm flying a white flag on 30 July. The regimental diary of 15 August reported "The cavalry encountered a force of the enemy on the south bank of the Komati River, being fired upon from a house flying a white flag. Burnt the place and proceeding crossed the river and bivouacked on the N. bank at Twyfelarar." Private R.P. Rooke of the regiment, who did not witness the incident, repeated the story in a memoir he produced in 1908. Private A.S. McCormick of 2 RCR included a version in a manuscript he wrote 50 years after the event.

Lieutenant George Whitton of Bushveldt Carbineers included a poem from The Navy Illustrated in his book Scapegoats of the Empire. The last very reads:

Twas thus Strathcona's Horse left Vengeance sitting by her shrine, Where six accursed corpses broke the grey horizon line, Their flesh to feed the vultures and their bones to be a sign.

Whitton, who had been sentenced to death with Breaker Morant for murdering prisoners, was pardoned and returned to Australia. In his book he claimed Morant had testified at his court martial that his commanding officer had justified an order to not take prisoners by citing the actions of Strathcona's Horse."

I must point out here that both Professor Miller's and L. Col. Reid's accounts are based on the speculative musings of Tpr. R P. Rooke and his memoirs of 1908 in conjunction, no doubt, with the persistence of the rumour.

Trooper R.P. (Robert) Rooke and brother Charlie Rooke were members of B Squadron Strathcona's Horse. Thery were both solid soldiers loyal and honest though never conspicuous on the Battle Field. Their adventurous spirit is acknowledged by their return to South Africa, with the Third Brother George, in 1901 to serve under Colonel Evans Third Contingent. The Rooke boys were from Winnipeg.

Trooper Rooke returned to South Africa in 1908 and wrote his me~_'"'S of his South African experience. When relating to the White Flag Incident at Koman River it would appear that he had based his assumptions on the reputation of C Squadron.

C Squadron; Barbarian Bravado as an apt description of their action on the Battle Field? Probably. They were indeed a tough bunch of soldiers out of British Columbia. Within their ranks were ruffians (in the true sense of the word) and I suspect other undesirables who had at one time or another been in conflict with society and the law. Even Steele who was always most supportive of his men admitted that: "There were some that ought not to have been here." Would they lynch a horse thief? Probably. Did they lynch the six Boer Commanders?

No.

On the other hand they were capable of showing a good deal of compassion. Towards the end of their tour when ordered to burn down Boer farms and homes they took great care in comforting the women and children. It was not uncommon to see Boer families wrapped up in Strathcona jackets and blankets.

Their reputation depicts them as a soldier's soldier. Our kind of soldier.

Given the loyalty and esprit de corps of this day and their ability to "keep it within the confines of the mess," it would seem inconceivable that a secret of this magnitude could be kept under wraps for a hundred years. When we involve an outside unit such as the South African Light Horse it becomes even more incredulous.

L. Col. Reid sums up the actions of the Regiment in simple but frank terms:

"While the regiment included a number of unruly characters, what should be remembered was it's success in the field. The last word goes to a British artilleryman who told his recently promoted Sergeant Hank McHaig a RCR that when Strathcona's were scouting, the gunners could sleep with their boots off.

There is also an Australian connection which appears in George Whitton's book Scapegoats of the Empire and which has been alluded to by L. Col. Reid. The whole centers about the poem from the Navy Illustrated which I submit in it's entirety:



Barbaric Bravado? If so a master piece based on rumour and speculation.

Author
Unknown.

The National Post, a paper out of the east, came up with screaming head lines and supposed new evidence regarding the lynching of Six Commando Boers by Strathcona's Horse. I document the article in it's entirety:

Did Canadians Commit Boer War Crimes?
Murder Alleged
Newly discovered letter paints soldiers as reckless brutes

By Richard Foot in Pretoria And Lindsey Arkley in Melbourne

Canadians fighting in the Boer War may have committed war crimes - including murder of prisoners - according to new documents discovered by the National Post.

The Boer War in South Africa a century ago marked the first time Canada sent soldiers overseas to fight. Most soldiers fought with honour, but others earned the new nation a reputation for brutality.

On Aug. 15, 1900, near the Komati River in eastern Transvaal, a squadron of Strathcona's allegedly killed six Boers. A mounted infantry unit of mostly Western Canadian volunteers, Lord Strathcona's Horse frequently came under enemy fire in the Boer War while approaching Boer farmhouses deceptively flying the white flag of surrender.

After witnessing members of a British patrol falling for a similar trick that Aug. 15, the Strathconas, according to newspaper accounts at the time, galloped into the fray after watching the ambush. Together with the surviving British soldiers they supposedly captured the six Boers responsible, held a hasty and illegal court martial and strung up their prisoners with the lariats they carried on their horses.

A letter written in Pretoria two days after the incident by Australian Lance Sergeant R.J. Byers, a member of the Australian Mounted Rifles, describes the affair:

"The Canadians have a great dislike of the Boers," says the unpublished letter to his family, discovered by the National Post in the State Library of Victoria, Australia. "They took a few prisoners one day and what did they do, but took their lassoes off their saddles, and hung six of them before their Officer could stop them."

The Australian letter also alleges a second case of war crimes, this time involving an unidentified Canadian unit.

"Another day, the New Zealanders had 13 Boer prisoners and they met some Canadians, who asked them if they wanted to hand over their prisoners,- writes Sgt. Byers. "Well the New Zealanders were glad to rid of them, so they handed them over to the Canadians who took them away to a quiet place, and shot the 13 of them:

Neither incident has ever been proven by eye-witness accounts or other records, says Lt.-Col. Brian Reid, a former Canadian artillery officer and author of Our UttIe Army in the Field, a history of Canadian troops in the war. His searches have failed to tum up records that report Boer prisoners being killed by Canadians.

"The Boers had a very efficient system for passing information and reporting casualties," he says. "The conclusion reached by the South Africans is that the incidents are fiction.

"As a former soldier," adds Lt.-Col. Reid, "I can attest to the speed, if not the accuracy, of the military rumour mill. It is possible that all the reported cases of Canadians killing prisoners were no more than rumour."

Fransjohan Pretorius, one of South Africa's leading Boer War scholars, doesn't believe the stories either. "The Canadians distinguished themselves in the war," he says. "The view that I have of Canadian soldiers is a very good one."

And yet extracts of a poem published at the time in The Navy Illustrated, seem to repeat the sinister tale:

"Twas thus Strathcona's Horse left Vengeance sitting by her shrine / Where six accursed corpses broke the grey horizon line,! Their flesh to feed the vultures, and their bones to be a sign."

National Post, with files from Siobhan Roberts

One thing has not changed within the past 100 years and that is the Press appetite for news of a detrimental nature. The so called newly discussed letter by L. Sgt. RJ Byers out of Australia is obviously based on the same old rumour which probably started it all. It has no credence. It has nothing new to add or substantiate. The National Post also alludes to the murder of 13 POW's which were handed over to a Canadian unit by the New Zealanders. This case based on Byers letter with no substantiation. It was in fact a case used by Breaker Morant in his defence as a precedent for his actions in shooting Prisoners of War. The unit in question was Kitchener's Horse, also known as Kitchener's Scouts. Kitchener's Horse was recruited out of the Nicola Valley of British Columbia and was highly regarded. No evidence on either side this incident ever took place.

Did Canadians Commit Boer War Crimes?

Fransjohan Pretorius, Department of History, University of South Africa says NO.

Miss Em Wessels, Oorlog Museum Bloemfontein says NO.

A good deal of research has been done within the Boer Commando records in recent years. No evidence regarding the lynching of six Boers by Strathcona's Horse has ever been found. Not even a rumour.

L. Col. Brian Reid, author of Our Little Army in this Field: The Canadians in South Africa, 1899 - 1902, says it was all a rumour.

Professor Carman Miller, Department of History, McGill University is non committal but says there is no evidence that the deed did in fact take place.

Nobby Clark says it was a rumour based on the dash and Corps de Elite of Strathcona's Horse. Barbaric Bravado is an apt metaphor for initiating a rumour of this magnitude.

In Summary; let us play the Devil's Advocate for just a moment;

"C Squadron Strathcona's Horse, while serving in South Africa, did capture six Boer Commandos and after a hasty field court-martial did find them guilty of treachery and did summarily execute them by hanging."

The Boer source of treachery was to fly a white flag over selected homesteads and then to lay in ambush those who came to investigate contrary to international law. Three members and two black guides attached to Strathcona's Horse had been "murdered" under this guise on the Standerton Greylingstad Corridor of operations in July 1900.

Under this scenario the most damning evidence we have is the strong threat of vengeance by both Steele and members of C Squadron specifically Lt. White Fraser's troops. There was also the capture of six Boer Commandos by Lt. Leckie's troop who stated simply that they had been "roughed-up" but not shot. No word of their final fate however.

A second scenario would have a White Flag incident take place at Twyfelaar on the Komati River just north of Carolina. Involved here however was the South African Light Horse who were ambushed while investigating. A sergeant and "one or two men" were shot down. C Squadron Strathcona's Horse who were in support of SALH came to their rescue and after a hasty court-martial sentenced and lynched six Boer Commandos. C Squadron was at the time under command of Major Belcher the second in command of the Regiment who had sent word back to Steele that he had met opposition on the Komati River but did not require support. The farm house in question had been burned down, not an uncommon practice even at that phase of the war.

The Devil's resolution does not end here. The world press had taken up the story at the time. The Navy Illustrated published the notorious poem on the incident about one year later. McCormick of 2 RCR included a version in a manuscript he wrote 50 years after the event. The National Post discovered the letter by a Lance Sergeant RJ Byers of the Australian Mounted Rifles written two days after the incident from Pretoria which is about 200 km. south-west of Twyfelaar.

That is the synopsis of the White Flag Incident and the Devil rests his case except to say that given the times, 100 years ago, it was accepted as a custom of war that retaliation was permitted provided that it was not done with malice. To be shot under a white flag was tantamount to murder. The question of war crimes therefore should not be a criteria. The British Empire in fact tried, found guilty and sentenced 370 Boers to death though only 35 were actually executed.

Here I must say that the Strathcona's did not hate the Boers, on the contrary both sides demonstrated a good deal of respect and compassion for each other. Strathcona's comforted and with compassion moved Afrikaans families before having to bum down their homes. It was also a Afrikaans family that nursed our Commanding Officer back to health after suffering from Ptomaine Poisoning at Potchefstroom. A Strathcona even married an Afrikaans maiden and brought her back as a war bride.

I want to say that since there has not been one single eye 'Witness account of the incident, and given the intensive research of Boer records which yielded not so much as a rumour regarding the incident, I am inclined to believe the incident to be a press frenzy feeding rumour based on a barbaric bravado cliche attributed to C Squadron's reputation.

Hello Mike,

As you are aware, I recently acquired Sgt Edmund Parker's QSA, and thought I would share a photo of it as well as a period image of him and a poem written by some of the soldiers he recruited while they were on the train from British Columbia, making their way to join the Regiment in Ottawa before sailing to South Africa.







You gain a sense from the poem just how popular Parker was with his men; when the War Office refused to confirm his commission, he asked to enroll as a Private so he could stay with them - he had personally recruited the Fort Steele troop, and LCol Steele, in the unit war diary, noted that:

Mr. Parker is held in great esteem in British Columbia and would have been a most useful officer. He is one of the finest shots in Canada, if not in the world, and is beloved by his neighbours.

Steele did decide to enroll him as a Private, but then immediately promoted him to Serjeant, assigning him to the troop he raised under the command of his friend Montague White-Fraser, a former NWMP officer. Parker's death was keenly felt by the men of the unit, and I am happy to be the custodian of his medal; while the story of his death has been well-researched, as can be seen in your post above, his service before joining the regiment is less well-documented, and researching this is my current focus.

Kind regards,

Jim

STANDERTON CEMETERY